Though the data indicate that gang presence is related to levels of student victimization and fear, these data do not tell us whether an already violent school climate fosters gang membership or whether gangs themselves are the culprit.
Table 2. All students, regardless of their race, ethnicity, or place of residence, tend to report higher rates of victimization and fear when there are gangs in school. For example, in , whether they lived in an urban, suburban, or rural area, roughly 7 percent of students in schools with gangs reported they were victimized within the last six months table 1. Based on statistical tests of the data that simultaneously take into account where students lived and whether they attended a school with gangs, the likelihood of becoming a victim of violence at school was less related to place of residence than to whether the student attended a school where there were gangs.
Similarly, based on statistical tests of the data that simultaneously take into account students' racial or ethnic background and whether they attended a school with gangs, the likelihood of becoming a victim of violence at school was less related to student background than to whether the student attended a school where there were gangs.
Conclusion The problem of gangs in schools is limited to neither urban areas nor minority students--the actual number of students who encounter gangs in school is as great for suburban or white students as it is for urban or minority students. Gang presence, not a student's race or ethnicity nor whether the student lives in an urban area, accounts for most of the differences across students who report different levels of victimization and fear at school.
When gang presence is factored in, urban and racial differences tend to become insignificant. FootNotes: 1. Department of Justice. NCVS surveyed 10, students, ages 12 to 19, and is a nationally representative sample of households in the United States. Students were asked "Are there any street gangs at your school? NHES surveyed 6, students in grade 6 through 12 and 13, parents and is a nationally representative sample of households in the United States. Students were asked "Do any of the students at your school belong to fighting gangs?
NCVS, Fortunately, all the interviews were completed successfully, and no participant needed trauma debriefing. Limitations of the study. The two main limitations of the study were a qualitative research design and a small sample size. However, Gxubane notes that "subjective perceptions that are derived from qualitative approaches to research offer a richer understanding of complex human problems that require in-depth investigation". This study was limited, because of the small size of the sample.
However, the overall aim of the study was to gain an in-depth insight into the perceptions of the respondents regarding the subject matter of the study rather than generalising. This section discusses the profile of the participants. The above table indicates the following features.
Half of the participants 9 out of 18 were between the ages of 18 and 20 years during the period of the study. These participants were supposed to be in their final year of school, or should have completed their secondary schooling in accordance with the Department of Basic Education guidelines.
This seems to indicate that half of the participants have experienced a setback in their schooling, because the average age in which high school learners are expected to complete their matric is 18 years. The reasons the participants give for the slow progress in their schooling are explored in the discussion of the research data below.
Most participants 12 out of 18 started YGV between the ages of 14 and 16 years. Only a quarter of the participants 4 out of 18 started YGV very late, between the ages of 17 and 18 years.
In this study very few participants 2 out of 18 started YGV very early, between the ages 12 and 13 years. This finding is contrary to those of studies which found that the most common age that boys start to engage in gang-related activity is between the ages of 11 and 12 years Legget, ; Ward, and even 5 years of age Pyrooz and Sweeten, However, other findings of the afore-mentioned scholars support those of this study, which show that most learners joined youth gangs when they were at high school between the ages of 14 and Most participants 12 out of 18 had been involved in YGV for a period of between two to four years during the period of study.
Jane also points out that, internationally, gang members are often expected to commit violent acts against others as part of their initiation, turf wars and other gang-related activities. Therefore, earlier involvement with youth gangs from high-school stage could signal the start of a long violent and criminal career, which is likely to interfere with their schooling and educational attainment.
Gxubane found that the younger the respondents started getting involved in criminal activities, the longer they stayed in criminal careers. This sub-section discusses the research data in relation to the participants' schooling background. Table 2. Most participants 11 out of 18 were enrolled in Grades 9 to This indicates that most participants remained within the schooling system, since most of them had progressed to higher grades of schooling despite their long involvement in YGV.
Only few participants 3 out of 18 had dropped out of school. It can therefore be inferred that despite being involved in YGV, very few of the participants would drop out of school. This finding seems to support those of Keenan and Robinson-Easley , who found that marginalised youths have high hopes, and that young people who are involved in gang violence still aspire to complete their schooling.
Half of the participants 9 out of 18 repeated some grades during their schooling. Three participants who were between the ages of 18 and 20 had repeated grades four times between them, and these participants had dropped out of school during the period of the study, whilst another one was 14 years old but still in Grade 8 see also Table 1.
This therefore suggests that some of the participants had experienced setbacks in their schooling, seemingly as a result of their active involvement in YGV. Security and protection. The research data show that the participants joined gangs mainly because they needed protection through fear of being victimised.
Most of the participants reported that they were chased, threatened, stabbed and lost some of their friends in gang violence. After the incidents of being victimised they became angry and decided to join because they were tired of being the victims of their opponents:.
They treated me as a gangster, and they chased me every time and that is why I joined myself. Another major motivation that the participants cited for joining gangs was a need for an identity of belonging to a specific area in Site B, Khayelitsha, which guarantees them safety and protection, as reflected in the following statement:. The research data seem to indicate that, because of the high levels of violence in Khayelitsha, the participants were compelled to take on an identity of their local peers, which would offer them a sense of belonging and protection from the possible attacks and violence that they are exposed to daily in their social environment.
The research data seem to support Dwane cited in the Khayelitsha Commission Report, , as discussed in the literature review, who maintained that youth gangs operating in Khayelitsha are quite different from the gangs that are operating in Manenberg and Mitchells Plain in Cape Town. Gangs in Manenberg are often connected to organised crime and drugs, while the gangs in Khayelitsha are more about identity, and their gang fights are about claiming their space and their identity within these communities.
When the participants were probed regarding the benefits, if any, of their involvement in YGV, they reported that there were many including the opportunity to exact revenge, a sense of achievement of victory, and the recognition they receive from their peers as heroes. Most of the participants reported that they stabbed and killed their opponents because they felt that they had to seek revenge after losing some of their members or friends:.
When we lose one of us, we cry and become angry and seek revenge from them, no matter how many they are, even if one of us dies, we don't run away from them. I was angry because of that … I get angry, Sister, when I see the opponent, but I control my anger. The participants also stated that they gained a personal victory after getting revenge on their opponents as a sign of power over their enemies, and they celebrated after they had stabbed or killed an opponent:.
Some participants indicated that they are often considered as heroes by their peers after they had defeated their opponents in extremely violent gang fights, as is reflected in the following statement:.
The research data show that the participants are involved in extreme levels of violence. This includes killing each other, and this behaviour is celebrated by gang members if they win a fight.
This means that they are often put under pressure to win their fights so that they can be recognised as heroes in the community. This in turn helps to boost their self-esteem, which is an essential human need that is met through gang activities and which is one of the benefits of belonging to a gang.
All the participants reported that they regretted getting involved in YGV. The reasons the participants cited for this included: the psychological and physical effects it has on them; replacement of prosocial activity by YGV; acquiring criminal records; and stigmatisation by the community.
Most of the participants reported that the effects of their involvement in YGV included suffering physical injuries; their involvement in gang violence replaced their prosocial activities, acquiring criminal records; and stigmatisation by the community.
The research data show that the YGV had dangerous consequences in the lives of the participants, which left them with bad memories that were hard to forget because of the visible scars they acquired from YGV. Some participants reported that they spent most of their time in YGV, which has replaced most of the social activities they used to be involved with in the community, such as playing soccer:. The research data show that the participants' lives were distracted because of their involvement in YGV, which has far-reaching negative consequences to their future educational and professional career aspirations.
This finding is similar to that of Winton , who discovered that violence had an unsurprisingly negative effect on the development and maintenance of some young people's social networks, restricting the extent to which they participated in social activities outside the home. Some participants reported that being involved in YGV left them with criminal records:. That's when I got arrested.
The participants' statements show that most participants had been involved in the stabbing of their opponents for revenge, but they never reported their arrests for the crime they had committed. Winton also found that the community felt that the police were afraid of the youths who were involved in violence, and the community further perceived the police as both inefficient and untrustworthy.
Some participants reported that YGV left them with a stigma in the community , since their fights were witnessed by members of the community most of the time:.
I changed and saw my mistakes, but that does not change the way people perceive me. We can no longer be trusted. The research data show that, contrary to the status and recognition the gang members acquired from winning the violent gang fights, some members of the community, probably the older generation, strongly disapproved of gang violence. As a result, this contributes to the negative character some community members continue to ascribe to them.
It would therefore seem that, even if the participants try to change, the community will find it hard to believe them. This may force some of the participants to see no point in doing good and rather continue with their bad behaviour, as is asserted by Gxubane and Shearar and Graser All the participants complained about the negative impact of YGV in some aspects of their lives, such as educational attainment, personal lives and their families. Most participants reported that they would terminate their membership and no longer be part of YGV.
The participants reported that they would focus on their schooling and make peace with their opponents. The research data show that YGV had a bad influence in the participants' lives, which is why some of them were thinking of disconnecting themselves from it.
Spergel also found that "youth reaches a certain point in his social learning or 'growing up' when he realizes there are long-term negative consequences for being a gang member". Some participants reported that they would rather relocate to other provinces or nearby locations, if it happens that YGV returns as a prospect, because they do not want to be part of it again. They emphasised that their lives have been turned upside-down and they do not want to go back and be the kind of people they were in YGV:.
The research data show that most participants were aware of the negative impact of their involvement in YGV on their educational attainment and life in general. Hence, they desired to discontinue their gang membership and believe that some parents are likely to relocate them to the Eastern Cape as most residents of Khayelitsha originally come from the rural areas there.
This option is not likely to be attractive to the young men. This would then compel them to continue with their schooling whilst they are still involved in YGV so long as the benefits outweigh the risks of not being a gang member.
In fact, this study has found that most participants were involved with YGV for a period of between two to four years. It would seem to be in the nature of a violent community, where the participants reside, that there are no protective factors which could encourage them to leave the gangs and there seem to be many risk factors which compel them to stay in gangs, even whilst at school Sharkey et al.
This suggests that even though most participants have experienced setbacks in their schooling progress because of their involvement in YGV activities, they are determined to complete their education and achieve their career aspirations, as noted by Keenan and Robinson-Easley The participants reported that there are various factors in the community that they believed contributed to YGV such as traditional belts, community providing an audience as spectators, and failed community attempts to end YGV.
Traditional belts are small leather belts made from the skin of a slaughtered cow or goat made by traditional healers and worn on the arm in the belief that they provide supernatural powers. Some participants use of traditional belts was for protection when they are involved in flights:. When they do these belts, those who have the belts, they don't want to stop; they want to continue because they feel protected. It is these belts. It is evident from the statements of the participants as presented above that the traditional belts seem to have also played a role in influencing some young people to take part in YGV.
Sefali also discovered that Khayelitsha gangsters believe they can get the superpowers they need to become killers through visiting traditional healers. Sefali further states that some of the gang leaders sacrificed some parts of their body in order to be powerful and feared by their peers. Some participants reported that there had previously been some members of the community that tried to stop YGV but failed and so they gave up. This could mean that the domination of YGV in Khayelitsha Site B overpowered the residents so that they could not stop it permanently:.
We will stop for some time, because we are being supervised by the elders, but some of us will not stop. The research data seem to suggest that there were some attempts by the community to stop YGV.
It would seem that there were no specific interventions put in place in fighting YGV in Khayelitsha Site B; if there were, they were ambiguous.
Manaliyo and Muzindutsi state that "the major challenge for the South African government is to mobilise communities to participate in fighting crime, especially in townships". Although there have been various attempts to counter or eliminate gang violence in the Western Cape, the gang culture persists.
This clearly illustrates that current programmes, strategies and initiatives on the ground require an intensive and extensive evaluation, because the impact of youth gangs is felt by many Howell, Some participants reported that some community members watched them fight and sometimes gave them weapons to fight back.
On some occasions the community members from their opponents' side chased them away when they ran to their houses for protection. Hence, they believed that the community played a role in promoting YGV:. If the community members stopped us … maybe punish us, we were going to be afraid of doing this. They failed us … most of them do not know that we stopped Gurans; they still look at us as if we are still doing it.
I feel hurt sister, because we get injured while people are around. Boqwana's study also found that most of the people in the townships accepted gang activities among young people as an initiation phase into adulthood, while other community members associated themselves with gangs in order to gain favours from them.
Howell further agrees that some gangs have become entrepreneurial organisations. This might explain the behaviour or reaction in observing instead of fighting the existence of YGV in Khayelitsha Site B. Key findings and recommendations of the study.
The participants' schooling background. The study found that most participants were enrolled in Grades 9 to 11 during the period of the study and only few participants had dropped out of school.
It can therefore be inferred that, despite being involved in YGV, most learners continue with their schooling. Many participants had repeated some grades during their schooling. This therefore suggests that most participants has experienced a setback in their schooling seemingly as a result of their lack of commitment to their schooling and their active involvement in YGV.
The participants' ages, and period of, involvement in youth gangs. Many participants started YGV between the ages of 14 and 16 years. Whilst a few participants joined YGV very late, between the ages of 17 and 18 years, most learners joined when they were at a high school, between the ages of 14 and Most participants had been involved in YGV for a lengthy period of between two to four years during their period of study.
Other reasons for gang violence are as follows:. Causes for acts of violence among individuals are much more complex. Usually, teens from a bad home life or with psychological problems will turn to violence to solve their issues with peers as well as with their families.
If you are looking for statistics on gang violence in high school, then the Internet is a good place to start. Using search engines like Google. There are also many books at your local library, but they may be a bit outdated if you are looking for the most recent statistics. According to UrbanMinistry. The reasons for this amount of violence can be seen in the childhoods of the gang members committing the crimes: At-risk. Teens who have grown up in a violent home are often much more violent than teens who have not.
While the statistics of teen violence are alarming, there is much that can be done to prevent it. Programs to help at-risk kids, such as the Big Brothers Big Sisters program, can help to prevent violence when the kids get older, as well as help to keep them in school. Parents who refuse to tolerate any type of violence can help prevent it as well, and making sure to keep an eye on teens who seem like their behavior has changed drastically can make possible teen violence or gang activity preventable.
Causes of Gang Violence in High School The causes of gang violence in schools, and in cities in general, can vary greatly. Other reasons for gang violence are as follows: The use and sale of drugs Alcohol and underage drinking Disputes over gang "territory" often parts of a neighborhood or certain areas of a school Gang rivalries Fights among members of the same gang or of other gangs Causes for acts of violence among individuals are much more complex.
Violence Statistics If you are looking for statistics on gang violence in high school, then the Internet is a good place to start. Preventing Gang Involvement While the statistics of teen violence are alarming, there is much that can be done to prevent it.
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