The other was to create a secure environment for the advance of the Russian settler, develop an agricultural base to support a growing number of garrisons and Cossacks manning the forts, and encourage trade with the nomads alongside the perimeter. Its center of gravity moved from Kazan to Orenburg, from Tobolsk to Omsk, and the College of War with its military delegates in the field became the major architects of imperial policy.
The great proconsuls of the first half of the eighteenth century -- Gagarin, Volynskii, Kirilov, and Nepliuev -- were all civilians ; by the end of the century, Potemkin, Igelstrom, Springer, and Strandmann were all lieutenant generals.
Reluctance prevailed most of the time, and Siberia became known -- perhaps unjustly so -- as the land of runaways and convicts, of corruption and violence, the southeast as the land whose heroes remained Razin and Pugachev. No civilian government had the means to create there a « well-ordered police state ».
Transcaucasia was a war zone, and there was no alternative to military rule. But military rule, contemptuous of civilian authority and unchecked by the proximity of central agencies and some rudiments of civil society among the landed nobility, earned a bad reputation.
West of it, the colonization of the former lands of the Kazan and Astrakhan khanates had gone a long way to transform the provinces created in the s into core area provinces with much higher densities of population than east of the river. Beyond it began « Asia » in the terminology of the time, where the first camels were visible across the river from Tsaritsyn on the edge of a featureless open steppe. In the south another world began beyond the Terek in the mountains of the Caucasus.
I have only briefly alluded to it here. Had the Russians been truly building an empire in the eastern theater since the conquest of Kazan in the middle of the sixteenth century, or had they been expanding the original Muscovite core and built an administrative, social, and military infrastructure to support the creation of an empire in the nineteenth century?
It is remarkable that until the end of the seventeenth century the periphery of Russian settlement barely reached the boundary of the forest zone, and that the Russian realm beyond the Volga was hardly any different from that of the forest zone of the original Muscovite core.
The eighteenth century witnessed the advance of the settler and the military outposts into the steppe, very much as the Muscovite core had expanded southwards into the wooded steppe toward the open steppe of the southern Ukraine. In the process, the Russians could reasonably expect to bring about the eventual conversion and integration into the Russian political and social order of Tatars, Bashkirs, Chuvash, Udmurts, and Mordvas in much the same way as they had assimilated the Urgo-Finnish tribes north of the Volga.
It can therefore be claimed that the Russians were building not an empire but a unitary state in the form of an expanding core. The natural limits of that core must be the periphery of the agricultural zone into which the Russian peasant would settle but beyond which he would not go because that world was alien to him.
That is why the administrative-territorial reform of the s must be seen as marking a recognition by the ruling elite that the time had come to impose a uniform set of local agencies across the entire eastern theater, those in Krasnioarsk identical, at least in principle, with those in Kaluga, Orel or Voronezh. But at the very same time that the reform was taking effect, the Treaty of Georgievsk announced Russian ambitions in Transcaucasia.
Its annexation in the first two decades of the nineteenth century following wars with the Ottoman empire and Persia, the partitions of Poland, the annexation of the Polish core and the Russo-Swedish frontier in Finland, created an entirely different situation. It became impossible to speak convincingly of a continually expanding core, and the discourse had perforce to focus on the creation of an empire, on a duality between core and borderlands, into which the Russian peasant would never move any more than into Central Asia fifty years later.
But the old vision of an expanding core remained « Russia, one and indivisible » , although increasingly divorced from reality. Beginning in the s, the infrastructure of empire would rest on a tightly integrated core that was no longer expanding, but was becoming increasingly dependent on the resources of the imperial territories to support its great power pretensions.
Upravlenie Kazanskim kraem Kazan, , ; Istoriia Sibiri. Barsukov, Spiski gorodovykh voevod i drugikh lits voevodskogo upravleniia xvii stoletiia SPb. Chernov, Vooruzhennye sily russkogo gosudarstva v xv - xvii vv. For Siberia in particular see Mikhail O. Akishin, Rossiiskii absoliutizm i upravlenie Sibiri xviii veka : Struktura i sostav gosudarstvennogo apparata M.
Ten more Gagarins served there as voevody in the seventeenth century, including two in Kazan and Astrakhan. Artemii Volynskii was also related to Princess Praskovia Sibirskaia, a descendant of Kuchum, the last khan of the Siberian khanate. For Mikhail Dolgorukov see , , , Akishin, Politseiskoe gosudarstvo i Sibirskoe obshchestvo. Epokha Petra Velikogo Novosibirsk : Avtor, , Almaty : Bilim, , ; Petr A.
Lyon : A. Dokumenty i materially, 2 vol. For the campaign see D. See also A. Lystsov, Persidskii pokhod Petra I, M. Zagorovskii, Belgorodskaia cherta, Voronezh, See also Petr I.
Rychkov, Istoriia Orenburgskaia po uchrezhdenii Orenburgskoi gubernii Ufa, , Vorontsov refers to the Bashkirs as vnutrennyi narod. The three Kazakh hordes are usually called the Small, Middle, and Large Hordes, a misnomer since the Large was not the largest ; it also tells nothing about their locations.
I prefer to call them the Western, Central, and Eastern Hordes. Territorial or Functional Administration? Akishin, Rossiiskii absoliutizm, On Soimonov, see RBS, vol.
Pavlenko, Anna loannovna. Nemtsy pri dvore M. See also Kasymbaev, Gosudarstvennye deiateli, On Chicherin and other Siberian governors see S. Brill, , Vitevskii, I. Nepliuev i Orenburgskii krai v prezhnem ego sostave do , vol.
The Orenburg Territory was at first administered by the Orenburg Expedition, renamed Commission in , and the provincial chancery from On Reinsdorp in general and his role in putting down the rebellion see D. On the Pugachev rebellion in general see John T. For Siberia see also V. Kabuzan and S. Novosibirsk, , Le Donne, Ruling Russia. On Igelstrom see RBS, vol. For a detailed study of the administration of the Orenburg Territory see N. Orenburg, I thank Kimitaka Matsuzato for giving me a copy of the dissertation.
On the expedition to Japan see PSZ, vol. Istoriia i rukovoditeli M. Hurewitz, ed. A Documentary Record, 2nd ed. Russian text in PSZ, 32 , N. On the Siberian Committee see the short entry in Russkaia Starina, no. For an attempt to place them in an all-imperial context see I.
Dameshek, ed. Speranskii : Sibriskii variant imperskogo regionalizma Irkutsk,. I mean here the first of the twelve statutes dealing with regional, provincial, and local agencies : N. For other similar recommendations see Aleksandr P. Mikhaila Nikolaevicha Tiflis, , here , See also Semen Esadze, ed.
Tiflis, , here vol. I am grateful to David Schimmelpenninck van der Oye for letting me consult this document. See also Nikolai S. To continue the story told here see Anatolii V. Discovery Services. Online User and Order Help. MARC Records. Titles No Longer Published by Brill. Latest Key Figures. Latest Financial Press Releases and Reports. Annual General Meeting of Shareholders. Share Information. Specialty Products. Catalogs, Flyers and Price Lists.
Open Access. Open Access for Authors. Open Access and Research Funding. Open Access for Librarians. Open Access for Academic Societies. About us. However, some clues are available from the P rimary Chronicle. It is difficult to untangle legend from fact, but this document provides the most promising clues regarding Rurik. The Primary Chronicle contends the Varangians were a Viking group, most likely from Sweden or northern Germany, who controlled trade routes across northern Russia and tied together various cultures across Eurasia.
A monument celebrating the millennial anniversary of the arrival of Rurik in Russia: This modern interpretation of Rurik illustrates his powerful place in Russian history and lore. But in the late s they rose up in rebellion, according to the P rimary Chronicle. However, soon after this rebellion, the local tribes near the Novgorod region began to experience internal disorder and conflict.
These events prompted local tribal leaders to invite Rurik and his Varangian leaders back to the region in to reinstate peace and order. This moment in history is known as the Invitation of the Varangians and is commonly regarded as the starting point of official Russian history.
According to legend, at the call of the local tribal leaders Rurik, along with his brothers Truvor and Sineus, founded the Holmgard settlement in Ladoga. This settlement is supposed to be at the site of modern-day Novgorod. However, newer archeological evidence suggests that Novgorod was not regularly settled until the 10th century, leading some to speculate that Holmgard refers to a smaller settlement just southeast of the city.
The capital officially moved to Kiev at this point. Over the next years local tribes consolidated and unified under the Rurik Dynasty, although local fractures and cultural differences continued to play a significant role in the attempt to maintain order under Varangian rule.
Before he gained the throne in , he had been the Prince of Novgorod while his father, Sviatoslav of the Rurik Dynasty, ruled over Kiev. He also successfully bolstered his frontiers against incursions from Bulgarian, Baltic, and Eastern nomads during his reign. Many of these practices were based on pagan and localized traditions. According to Photius, the people of the region appeared enthusiastic about the new religion and he claims to have sent a bishop to convert the population.
Any local people in small villages who embraced Christian practices would have had to contend with fears of change from their neighbors. He ascended to the position of Prince of Novgorod around while his oldest brother, Yaropolk, became the designated heir to the throne in Kiev. Sviatoslav died in , leaving behind a fragile political scene among his three sons.
Vladimir fled to his kinsman Haakon Sigurdsson, who ruled Norway at the time. Vladimir spent the next decade expanding his holdings, bolstering his military might, and establishing stronger borders against outside invasions. He also remained a practicing pagan during these first years of his rule. He continued to build shrines to pagan gods, traveled with multiple wives and concubines, and most likely continued to promote the worship of the thunder god Perun.
According to the limited documentation from the time, the envoys that came back from Constantinople reported that the festivities and the presence of God in the Christian Orthodox faith were more beautiful than anything they had ever seen, convincing Vladimir of his future religion. Another version of events claims that Basil II of Byzantine needed a military and political ally in the face of a local uprising near Constantinople. In this version of the story, Vladimir demanded a royal marriage in return for his military help.
In either version of events, Vladimir vied for the hand of Anna, the sister of the ruling Byzantine emperor, Basil II. In order to marry her he was baptized in the Orthodox faith with the name Basil, a nod to his future brother-in-law. However, two later versions were erected and destroyed in the 17th and 19th centuries.
He returned to Kiev with his bride in and proceeded to destroy all pagan temples and monuments. He also built the first stone church in Kiev named the Church of the Tithes starting in On his return in , Vladimir baptized his twelve sons and many boyarsin official recognition of the new faith.
He also sent out a message to all residents of Kiev, both rich and poor, to appear at the Dnieper River the following day. The next day the residents of Kiev who appeared were baptized in the river while Orthodox priests prayed.
This event became known as the Baptism of Kiev. Many local populations violently rejected the new religion and a particularly brutal uprising occurred in Novgorod in However, Vladimir became a symbol of the Russian Orthodox religion, and when he died in his body parts were distributed throughout the country to serve as holy relics. Yaroslav the Wise was the Grand Prince of Kiev from until his death in How does the writer in the Novgorodian Chronicle explain the arrival of the "unknown tribes"?
We just saw the Kumans in The Song of Igor's Campaign, and here they are again page at the bottom. Calling them "godless Kumans, sons of Ishmael" gives the reader what kind of impression? But if the Kuman leader Khotian the next page is the father-in0law of Mstislav Mstislavich, Prince of Galich, then what kind of relations do the Russiana and Kumans actually have?
Do the authorial comments about how Rusians especially princes should behave resemble those from the Igor Tale? If not, how are they different? How does the translation as "Russian land" impact the reactions of the reader?
Versus "Rusian land," which Zenkovsky does not use.
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